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Your email address will not be published. Under Campbell-Bannerman's successor, H. Asquith, much more far-reaching reforms were implemented.
In the matter of House of Lords reforms, which was to become the dominant issue of the elections, Campbell-Bannerman proposed on 26 June that the Lords enjoy purely ornamental ancient privileges, but be deprived of all real legislative power; and that the Commons after tolerating for a few months the futile criticisms of the Lords would be empowered by mere lapse of a brief fraction of a year to ignore the very existence of a Second Chamber, and to proceed to pass their statute on their own authority, like the ordinances of the Long Parliament during the English civil war.
Campbell-Bannerman's first speech as prime minister endorsed the intent of the Hague Convention of to limit armaments.
His effort was generally considered a failure; in the words of historian Barbara Tuchman , "the argument was narrow steering between the rocks of conscience and the shoals of political reality and it pleased nobody.
In , Campbell-Bannerman created a minor diplomatic incident with the Russian government when he responded to Tsar Nicholas II 's dissolution of the Duma with a speech in which he declared, "The Duma is dead; long live the Duma!
In January Grey sanctioned staff talks between Britain and France's army and navy but without any binding commitment.
These included the plan to send one hundred thousand British soldiers to France within two weeks of a Franco-German war.
Campbell-Bannerman was not informed of these at first but when Grey told him about them he gave them his blessing.
This was the origin of the British Expeditionary Force that would be sent to France in at the start of the Great War with Germany.
Clemenceau believed that the British would help France in a war with Germany but Campbell-Bannerman told him Britain was in no way committed.
He may have been unaware that the staff talks were still ongoing. Campbell-Bannerman's biographer John Wilson has described the meeting as "a clash between two fundamentally different philosophies".
Hirst , claimed that Campbell-Bannerman "had not a ghost of a notion that the French Entente was being converted into a Grey and Haldane did not inform the Cabinet is astonishing; that a true-hearted apostle of peace like Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman should have known of the danger and yet concealed it from his colleagues is incredible, and I am happy to conclude The first South African Prime Minister, General Louis Botha , believed that "Campbell-Bannerman's act [in giving self-government back to the Boers] had redressed the balance of the Anglo-Boer War, or had, at any rate, given full power to the South Africans themselves to redress it".
I think it all sheer lunacy". Not long after he became Father of the House in , Campbell-Bannerman's health took a turn for the worse.
Following a series of heart attacks, the most serious in November , he began to fear that he would not be able to survive to the end of his term.
Campbell-Bannerman remained both a Member of Parliament and Leader of the Liberal Party , and continued to live at 10 Downing Street in the immediate aftermath of his resignation, intending to make other arrangements in the near future.
However, his health began to decline at an even quicker pace than before, and he died nineteen days following his resignation on 22 April His last words were "This is not the end of me".
A relatively modest stone plaque set in the exterior wall of the church serves as a memorial. On the day of Campbell-Bannerman's death the flag of the National Liberal Club was lowered to half-mast, the blinds were drawn and his portrait was draped in black as a sign of mourning.
I think it will be felt by the community as a whole as if they had lost a relative. Certainly those who have been associated with him closely for years will feel a deep sense of personal bereavement.
I have never met a great public figure since I have been in politics who so completely won the attachment and affection of the men who came into contact with him.
He was not merely admired and respected; he was absolutely loved by us all. I really cannot trust myself to say more. The masses of the people of this country, especially the more unfortunate of them, have lost the best friend they ever had in the high places of the land.
His sympathy in all suffering was real, deep, and unaffected. He was truly a great man—a great head and a great heart.
He was absolutely the bravest man I ever met in politics. He was entirely free from fear. He was a man of supreme courage. Ireland has certainly lost one of her truest friends, and what is true of Ireland is true of every section of the community of this Empire which has a fight to maintain against powerful foes.
In an uncharacteristically emotional speech on 27 April, the day of Campbell-Bannerman's funeral, his successor H. Asquith told the House of Commons:.
What was the secret of the hold which in these later days he unquestionably had on the admiration and affection of men of all parties and all creeds?
And yet we have not seen in our time a man of greater courage—courage not of the defiant or aggressive type, but calm, patient, persistent, indomitable In politics I think he may be fairly described as an idealist in aim, and an optimist by temperament.
Great causes appealed to him. He was not ashamed, even on the verge of old age, to see visions and to dream dreams.
He had no misgivings as to the future of democracy. He had a single-minded and unquenchable faith in the unceasing progress and the growing unity of mankind He never put himself forward, yet no one had greater tenacity of purpose.
He was the least cynical of mankind, but no one had a keener eye for the humours and ironies of the political situation. He was a strenuous and uncompromising fighter, a strong Party man, but he harboured no resentments, and was generous to a fault in appreciation of the work of others, whether friends or foes.
He met both good and evil fortune with the same unclouded brow, the same unruffled temper, the same unshakable confidence in the justice and righteousness of his cause He has gone to his rest, and to-day in this House, of which he was the senior and the most honoured Member, we may call a truce in the strife of parties, while we remember together our common loss, and pay our united homage to a gracious and cherished memory—.
How happy is he born and taught That serveth not another's will; Whose armour is his honest thought, And simple truth his utmost skill; This man is freed from servile bands Of hope to rise or fear to fall; Lord of himself, though not of lands, And, having nothing, yet hath all.
Robert Smillie , the trade unionist and Labour MP, said that, after Gladstone, Campbell-Bannerman was the greatest man he had ever met.
George Dangerfield said Campbell-Bannerman's death "was like the passing of true Liberalism. Sir Henry had believed in Peace, Retrenchment, and Reform, those amiable deities who presided so complacently over large portions of the Victorian era And now almost the last true worshipper at those large, equivocal altars lay dead".
McCallum stated that "Campbell-Bannerman was of pure Gladstonian vintage and a hero to the Radicals". Asquith, new experiments in social policy were undertaken which were only doubtfully compatible with the older Liberal principles".
Other historical accounts, however, have portrayed Campbell-Bannerman as a genuine progressive figure. According to one study, Campbell-Bannerman's views "were broadly those of the party's centre-left: From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
For other people with this name, see Campbell-Bannerman surname.